Leaving Los Angeles: farewell to a city of dreamers and squalor

Guardian reporter Rory Carroll reflects on six years in Los Angeles at a time of soaring wealth and desperate poverty

I called Los Angeles home for six years and now, as I bid goodbye, I sift through memories that feel incompatible, discordant.

There was the endlessness of the city, horizons of concrete, as you fly into LAX. New skyscrapers rising over downtown. Dolphins leaping in the surf off Malibu. Hustlers and dreamers and visionaries inventing things, making movies, mega-mansions, plans for Mars.

And Barbara, munching her sandwich.

I’ll start with Barbara. I don’t know her real name. Tiny, wiry, black curly hair falling to her shoulders, grubby face, grubby clothes, she looks about 45. She hobbles – a gammy left knee, I think. She doesn’t answer questions or really speak except to say “Br-br”.

She frequents Santa Monica Public Library, where I sometimes write. There’s a lovely courtyard with dappled sunshine and a little cafe. Local residents and tourists lunch there. So does Barbara.

Hauling plastic bags and a backpack, she limps in, resembling a pixie that fell down a chimney, lays her load in the middle of the yard. Then sinks bare arms inside a circular metal bin, rummages amid crumpled, gooey trash, extracts the remains of sandwiches and stands there, munching.

Other diners look away, look back, try not to stare. They sip their juices, continue chatting, unsure how to respond to this scene of human degradation. After six years I still feel that way.

A police car stops beside tents on Skid Row in Los Angeles. Photograph: Robyn Beck/AFP/Getty Images

How do you respond to a city of natural and human wonders, a city pulsing with energy, ambition, creativity, money – dear lord, so much money – which simultaneously hosts in-your-face squalor?

It’s ubiquitous, the grimy tents of downtown’s Skid Row replicated in mini-encampments from the San Gabriel mountains to Venice. Sleeping bodies slumped in doorways, on sidewalks, on beaches. Parked cars and camper vans filled with yet more people who have lost their homes.

Yet I love LA. I love it and will miss it.

It offers the best of America. A kaleidoscope of humanity – more than 200 languages – jumbled into Chinatown, Koreatown, Little Armenia, Little Ethiopia, Little Tokyo, Boyle Heights, Lincoln Heights, Pasadena, Palisades. Innovation and industriousness. Tolerance and laid-backness. All bathed in golden sunshine.

Arriving in 2012, I liked the place straight away. Instead of horror at the tangled freeways and the vast, urban amorphousness I thought, wow, it works. California’s wild, beating heart thudded to a rhythm. Its geography and infrastructure made sense, it had rules and systems and norms, it felt safe and shiny.

Low expectations helped. I was coming from Caracas, Venezuela’s anarchic, grimy capital, and had braced for more of the same.

LA, after all, had long inspired dystopian fiction. And scorn. “Seventy-two suburbs in search of a city,” Dorothy Parker reputedly jeered. “Tip the world over on its side and everything loose will land in Los Angeles,” said Frank Lloyd Wright.

My timing seemed inauspicious. California verged on bankruptcy. “California is so broke that Mexico fixed the hole in the fence to keep us from crawling back in again,” Jay Leno joked. “California is so broke that I saw a going-out-of-business sign at a meth lab.”

But the story turned out to be one of a state, and city, on the rebound.

Arnold Schwarzenegger, the hapless Governator, gave way to a wily, effective successor, Jerry Brown. Voters backed a tax hike to balance the books. The real estate market recovered and Silicon Valley boomed. By 2013, California’s economy was humming – growing faster than the US average – and turning a $27bn deficit into a surplus.

“Word of California’s demise was greatly exaggerated,” Brown told me that year. “California is the healthiest it’s been in more than a decade.”

Chuck McCarthy, a ‘people walker’, walks with Rory Carroll in the Hollywood Hills. Photograph: Noah Smith for the Guardian

Public pensions and a lopsided tax system are ticking fiscal time bombs but the golden state continues thriving. This year, it overtook Britain to become the world’s fifth-biggest economy, with a GDP of $2.7tn.

LA drives much of it. Hulu and Netflix are reshaping the entertainment industry while Google, YouTube, Snap and other tech giants expand campuses across Silicon Beach. New bars, cafes, restaurants and condos are reviving the husk that was downtown.

Voters approved $120bn for investments in transport, one of the most ambitious public works in US history, expanding bicycle lanes and rail networks, threading the city together.

It’s not just the economy and infrastructure. LA, once a cauldron of gangs, racial animosity and brutal policing, has recorded dramatic drops in crime and tension.

“I tell myself time heals. It really does,” Rodney King told me. That was in April 2012, shortly before he died, still damaged by the beating he endured in 1991. The LAPD still shoots too many people, especially black people, but is today a reformed, accountable force with fewer jackboots.

Voters approved a ballot initiative to reduce penalties for drug and other non-violent crimes, helping to end one of America’s most notorious tough-on-crime experiments. They also legalised pot.

You don’t need to smoke it to sense a la-la vibe.

“We’re a place that reimagines tomorrow and reinvents today,” the mayor, Eric Garcetti, rhapsodised last year when LA clinched the 2028 Olympic Games.

The bride takes a hit at a marijuana-themed wedding in Carmel, California. Photograph: Robert Gumpert for the Guardian

This is largely true. Startups are inventing products and services that they hope will avert environmental disaster – prompted in part by LA’s alarming warming – and yield business models replicable around the globe, even beyond.

“We would welcome opportunities for off-planet growing,” Brandon Martin, vice-president of a company that turns shipping containers into hydroponic farms, told me. “We’d love to be the first company to grow food on Mars.” He was completely serious.

Elon Musk was equally bullish about colonising Mars when I interviewed him in 2013. These days, Iron Man is showing some rust. When I recently returned to SpaceX’s headquarters it was to interview people buying Musk’s flamethrowers, a publicity stunt underlining how the entrepreneur has veered off course.

Concerns about trolling, privacy intrusion and rewired brains have put a big, neon warning sign over other tech companies here claiming to make the world a better place – a bromide on par with Hollywood guff about elevating humanity.

Still, LA is fun to cover.

It’s a city of tribes, some inspiring, like the underground cycle gangs that reclaim streets from cars, or the artists transforming a desert ghost town, or the underemployed actors who moonlight as “people walkers”. Some are easy to ridicule, like the devotees of Gwyneth Paltrow’s Goop store, which peddles vampire repellent and sex dust. Others are intriguing but obnoxious, like the thuggish surfers at Lunada Bay.

And there is the brash plutocracy. I did a story in 2017 about a Bel-Air mansion listed for $250m, America’s most expensive home, only to do another in March about one listed for $500m – a 105,000 sq ft glass and marble behemoth with moats, four swimming pools, 20 bedrooms, a nightclub, a bowling alley, a cinema and walls and ceilings made of jellyfish aquariums.

Artists transformed a desert ghost town in Salton Sea, California. Photograph: Dan Tuffs for the Guardian

It made for good, breezy copy. But I didn’t feel good or breezy writing it from Santa Monica Public Library.

I didn’t see Barbara that day but the library was, as ever, packed with homeless people. A hushed throng of rags and bags, beards and caps, bare feet and flip-flops in every section. Some looked groomed and had neat suitcases – the newly homeless. Others were unwashed and wild-eyed with broken teeth and bandaged feet.

Since 2012, the number of homeless people in LA county has grown 75%, to 53,195 people. Spiraling rents, meagre wages, mental illness and drug addiction all play a role. Insufficient shelter means most sleep outdoors, vulnerable to the elements, abuse and assault.

The crisis has become normalised. Yoga instructors lead classes in parks dotted with supine figures in sleeping bags. An elderly man in a white hospital gown and slippers wanders down Spring Street, a block from City Hall, yelling, cursing, hooting. No one looks.

LA deserves credit for (belatedly) mustering a sense of urgency and funds – voters agreed to tax themselves $4.6bn to build housing. But authorities are struggling to turn that into progress.

I’m struggling to reconcile the city I love with the wretchedness. I did what I could, so I told myself. Wrote articles for a Guardian series, Outside in America. Tried to look homeless people in the eye, acknowledge their existence. Spent a morning chopping and peeling onions at a Skid Row shelter, vowed to go back, never did.

I did what most do: got on with life, enjoyed the weather, the food, the ocean, the concerts. I could pretend that it was hard, that I felt forever nagged by the extreme inequality. It wasn’t, and I didn’t. The great, terrible truth is that the wonders and distractions of Los Angeles made it easy, over the years, to look away. To no longer care quite so much.

Read more: www.theguardian.com

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Madeleine Albright: ‘The things that are happening are genuinely, seriously bad’

Madeleine Albright decries the global rise of authoritarianism in her new book, Fascism: A Warning, and talks about Trump, Putin and the tragedy of Brexit

Madeleine Albright has both made and lived a lot of history. When she talks about a resurgence of fascism, she says it as someone who was born into the age of dictators. She was a small girl when her family fled Czechoslovakia after the Nazis consumed the country in 1939. After 10 days in hiding, her parents escaped Prague for Britain and found refuge in Notting Hill Gate, “before it was fancy”, in an apartment which backed on to Portobello Road. Her first memories of life in London are of disorientation. “I didn’t have a clue. My parents were very continental European and I didn’t have siblings early on. I felt isolated.” As Hitler unleashed the blitz, “every night we went down to the cellar where everybody was sleeping.”

She has since been back to the redbrick block in Notting Hill. “I rang the doorbell of the person who lived in the apartment – it was a lot smaller than I remember it. I asked a stupid question: whether the cellar still existed. They said: ‘Of course the cellar exists.’ So they took me down and I had this moment – the green paint was exactly the same. I remember the green paint.”

It was decades later that she discovered that, though she was raised a Catholic, her parentage was Jewish and many of her family had been murdered in the Holocaust, including three grandparents.

From Notting Hill, the family moved out of central London to Walton-on-Thames, where they shared a house “with some other Czechs”. The bombs fell there too, but she enjoyed “every minute” of this part of her childhood. “I went to school and we spent a lot of time in air raid shelters singing A Hundred Green Bottles Hanging on the Wall.” It was less terrifying than it might have been because “my parents had a capacity of making the abnormal seem normal”.

She became “a movie star”. The Red Cross wanted to do a film about a refugee child. “So I was the refugee child, and they gave me a pink rabbit as my pay.”

The wartime British were “very hospitable” – up to a point. “The British would say: ‘We’re so sorry your country has been taken over by a terrible dictator. You’re welcome here. What can we do to help you and when are you going home?”

Her father, the diplomat Josef Korbel, was with the Czech government-in-exile. She recalls him refusing to take shelter from the bombers because he had to finish writing a broadcast for the BBC. After Hitler’s defeat, Korbel took the family back to their homeland in the belief that Czechoslovakia would re-establish itself as a democracy but the country was soon gripped by another form of totalitarianism. After a Soviet-backed coup installed a communist satellite regime in 1948, the family fled again, this time seeking asylum in America and settling in Colorado. “Maddy”, as her classmates called her, was now 11. In America, people welcomed immigrants by saying: “We’re so sorry your country has been taken over by a terrible system. You’re welcome here. What can we do to help you and when will you become a citizen?” She pauses for a beat, then adds: “And that was different about America at that time.”

Albright’s early work as a journalist and a foreign policy scholar drew her into politics. In 1978, she sat on the National Security Council when Jimmy Carter was president and later represented the US as the country’s ambassador at the United Nations. In 1997, Bill Clinton made her secretary of state, the highest government office achievable under the US constitution by someone not born in America. She was the first woman to lead US foreign policy.

The future US secretary of state Madeleine Korbel with her father, Josef Korbel, photographed in America, 1945. Photograph: The Life Picture Collection/Getty Images

Over four years as America’s chief diplomat, her life and views were again shaped by encounters with tyranny. She engaged with Kim Jong-il, father of North Korea’s current jailer-in-chief, and found him, she recalls in her new book, cordial, courteous and “pretty normal for someone whose father’s birthday is celebrated every year as the ‘Day of the Sun’.” Slobodan Milošević, the Serbian autocrat, “did not fit the stereotype of a fascist villain” and liked to “act the innocent” even as his security forces attempted the ethnic cleansing of Kosovo. Hugo Chávez, the late ruler of Venezuela, was “very charismatic” and initially seemed to hold promise for his country when he supplanted “a bunch of tired old men that were very elitist”. When Recep Tayyip Erdoğan first came to power in Turkey, he was a refreshing change from rule by people “who live in big houses, or occasionally the military”. “These people initially did have some feel for the working class and then power went to their heads – all of them.”

One chapter of her new book is about Vladimir Putin, whom she found to be “so cold as to be almost reptilian” but also a man of considerable, if dark, talents. “He’s very smart. He’s played a weak hand really well. He has a larger agenda which is to separate us from our allies and it begins by separating central and eastern Europe from western Europe.”

With the benefit of hindsight, she accepts that the west was slow to understand that Russians felt utterly humiliated after the cold war and ready to succumb to a nationalist strongman promising to make them great again. She recalls a Russian man complaining: “We used to be a superpower and now we’re Bangladesh with missiles.” Putin, she tells me, “has seen himself as the redeemer of that man”.

I wonder whether her first-hand encounters with despots had led her to identify any common personality traits. She laughs: “I’ll tell you – you’ll be surprised when you hear this – they seemed different when I met them.” She cites the example of Viktor Orbán, the self-styled “illiberal democrat” who rules Hungary. She first came to know him in the 1980s during Hungary’s struggle for liberation from communist dictatorship. “He was everybody’s favourite dissident. He was funded by George Soros to go to Oxford. He’s the one who started Fidesz, the youth party. The age limit for the youth party changed as he got older,” she adds with her hallmark waspishness. Orbán’s transformation in office has taken her by surprise. “I didn’t, I don’t think any of us saw this coming.”

Where we might be going is the chilling theme of Fascism: A Warning. The book is a cry of anguish about the global resurgence of authoritarianism and a lament over the decay of the liberal internationalist politics to which Albright has devoted her career. The work is also an act of homage to her father who wrote books about the perils of tyranny and worried that Americans were so accustomed to liberty – so “very, very free,” he wrote – that they might take democracy for granted. She quotes Primo Levi – “Every age has its own fascism” – and makes her case with observations about the autocrats she has dealt with and brisk histories of past dictators and the horrors that they unleashed. A devil’s portrait gallery includes Benito Mussolini, the original fascist, and Adolf Hitler, the most destructive. Then there’s Donald Trump.

She agrees that we ought to be careful not to casually throw around the F-word lest we drain the potency from what should be a powerful term. “I’m not calling Trump a fascist,” she says. Yet she seems to be doing all but that when she puts him in the same company as historical fascists in a book that seeks to sound “an alarm bell” about a fascist revival.

She frequently nudges the reader to make connections between the president of the United States and past dictatorships. She reminds us who first coined the Trumpian phrase “drain the swamp”. It was drenare la palude in the original, Mussolini Italian. She quotes Hitler talking about the secret of his success: “I will tell you what has carried me to the position I have reached. Our political problems appeared complicated. The German people could make nothing of them… I…reduced them to the simplest terms. The masses realised this and followed me.” Sound familiar?

Madeleine Albright with North Korean leader Kim Jong-il, Pyongyang,2000, his first ever meeting with a US administration official. Photograph: Chien-Min Chung/AFP/Getty Images

I suggest to her that the book struggles to offer a satisfactory definition of fascism. “Defining fascism is difficult,” she responds. “First of all, I don’t think fascism is an ideology. I think it is a method, it’s a system.”

It is in his methods that Trump can be compared with, if not precisely likened to, the dictators of the 1930s. Fascists are typically masters of political theatre. They feed on and inflame grievances by setting “the people” against their “enemies”. Fascists tell their supporters that there are simple fixes for complex problems. They present as national saviours and conflate themselves with the state. They seek to subvert, discredit and eliminate liberal institutions. She reminds us that they have often ascended to power through the ballot box and then undermined democracy from within. She is especially fond of a Mussolini quote about “plucking a chicken feather by feather” so that people will not notice the loss of their freedoms until it is too late.

In her book, Trump is one nasty plucker. She labels him “the first anti-democratic president in modern US history”. Those Trumpians who know their history might retort that previous American presidents have been accused of being enemies of democracy, including some who have become the most revered holders of the office. Abraham Lincoln was charged with tyranny by his opponents during the civil war. So was Franklin D Roosevelt when he was implementing the New Deal.

Trump is different, she insists. Look at his attacks on the institutions of liberal society as he Twitter-lashes the judiciary and the media. “Outrageous,” says Albright. “It was Stalin who talked about the press being the enemy of the people.

“I also think Trump does act as though he’s above the law.” He lies without shame, she says. He threatens to jail political competitors. He foments bigotry. He lavishes admiration on autocrats like Putin and by doing so encourages the worldwide drift to authoritarianism. Observe also, she adds, how Trump exploits a crowd.

“He uses rallies in a strange way. We all, most of us that are public people, have somebody interrupting our speeches. There’s always somebody yelling something. And the question is: what do you do about it? Sometimes people are just escorted out or you don’t pay any attention to it. What is fascinating in watching Trump is he loves the people yelling and he uses them so that it looks as though he is having conversations with the people on TV. Trump is, I think he’s actually really smart – evil smart, is what I think.”

The founding fathers endowed the US with a constitution that was forged to protect the country from leaders with tyrannical impulses. America has survived some dreadful presidents. When Trump is gone, does she not think it possible that we will eventually look back on him not as a crypto-dictator, but as an embarrassing spasm?

“In the book I write that there are people who say this is alarmist. It is. That’s the purpose. I’m concerned about complacency about it. This is a very deliberate warning.”

The fear that Trump induces in American liberals is matched by the alarm he arouses among the United States’ traditional allies in the democracies. From Nato to the World Trade Organisation, he threatens to rip up institutions that have ordered the planet over many decades. Albright argues that the doctrine of “America First”, which “conceives of the world as a battlefield in which every country is intent on dominating every other”, encourages a Darwinian competition of tribal nationalisms. During her time as Washington’s chief diplomat, Albright was an unabashed exponent of America as the global beacon of liberty: “the indispensable nation”, as she once called her country. Should Europeans conclude that Trumpian America has become an unreliable ally? Regretfully, she agrees.

“At the moment, it is hard to say to any European that the US is a reliable ally, which makes me furious because I do believe in the importance of American engagement. I always thought we were reliable.”

With the Hungarian prime minister Viktor Orbán, Budapest, 2000. Photograph: Attila Kovács/AP

True, the international architecture established in the late 1940s does require “refurbishing”. Institutions founded seven decades ago “need fixing”. Trump “does have a point” when he complains that Americans pay a lot more to sustain Nato than do the European countries, which rely on the defence pact for their security. The trouble with Trump, though, is “he sees it all as transactional, as if it were a hotel where you keep raising the price and if you want to stay there, you’re going to have to pay. That is not what it’s about.

“There’s no sin about updating these things, but I don’t understand, I truly don’t, what the purpose is to destroy the system. What is the purpose of having destruction as an ideology?”

The Trumpian rampage through the international order has been particularly challenging for Britain, which clings to a conceit that it has a special bond with the United States. Trying to navigate any sort of relationship, never mind a special one, has been a nightmare for Theresa May. This week Trump will land on these shores, where he will be greeted by hot protests on the streets and British officials in a cold sweat. “It’ll be interesting to see how he deals with the Queen since he really doesn’t like women,” remarks Albright. “He’s unbelievable to Angela Merkel.”

The Queen, who has a lifetime of experience dealing with strange and unsavoury characters, will probably handle Trump with her customary glacial implacability. May is the one facing the biggest challenge of Trump management. Can Albright, who teaches international statecraft at Georgetown University, offer the prime minister some guidance?

“I have no idea,” Albright confesses. “I don’t have advice. The device, theoretically, is to tell him how wonderful he is. And to agree with whatever he says – and that’s distasteful. He is unpredictable except when people flatter him and allow him to dominate. I know what it’s like to be in diplomatic discussions with people that you don’t respect. You do begin in some kind of civilised way, but ultimately you have to say what you think.”

Memo to Mrs May: say what you think. It may not get you anywhere with Trump, but at least you will preserve your self-respect.

Albright is a friend to the country which took in her family when she was a young girl, but believes that true friends owe you their candour. She’s clear that Brexit – “an exercise in economic masochism that Britons will long regret” – is a terrible mistake.

“I happen to think it’s a tragedy. I’m not sure how or why it happened. I think some of it was miscalculation. From an American perspective – and this is somewhat selfish and self-centred – the UK has always been our bridge to the continent and very important in all kinds of aspects.” Burning down that bridge is not sensible. “I think it’s unfortunate, I really do.” Much of politics and diplomacy is a story of “unintended consequences of decisions and this is one of the big ones”.

Had Albright had her way, the world would not be riding the wild rollercoaster that is Trump. He would have been sent back to reality TV and Hillary Clinton would be in the White House. She was a vigorous campaigner for her old friend and Albright’s passion got the better of her when she coined the phrase: “There is a special place in hell for women who don’t help other women.” That landed her in some trouble during the 2016 campaign. Like many of Hillary’s chums, she is defensive about the campaign’s failure and still struggling to make sense of it. “Hillary did win the popular vote,” she points out.

Campaigning for Hillary Clinton in 2016. ‘There’s a special place in hell for women who don’t help each other,” Albright said. Photograph: Jacquelyn Martin/AP

That she did, but it is scant consolation really.

Germany has had a female leader for more than a decade. Britain is on its second female prime minister. A woman has never been president of the United States. Does America have a problem with women in politics?

“Must have,” she replies. “I don’t understand it, frankly. We are very good at being No 1 in many things and yet we are not in this and I don’t know the answer. Because there are certainly very qualified women.

“When my name came up to be secretary of state,” she recalls, “you would think that I was an alien, you know. People actually said: ‘The Arabs won’t deal with a woman.’”

Her friend Hillary was, in CV terms, one of the most qualified people to run for the White House.

“Ever. No question about it. Right.”

More qualified than Trump or indeed Obama.

“I think she would have been a remarkable president. And I think that it’s very disappointing. It’s something that we all talk about. I don’t know the answer.”

At least part of the explanation for Clinton’s defeat was not to do with gender. It was failing to understand the forces powering her opponent. Clinton notoriously called his supporters “the deplorables”. Albright sounds similarly guilty of seeing the world through an elitist’s prism when she writes in her book: “Globalisation… is not an ideological choice, but a fact of life.”

Opponents retort that globalisation is an ideological choice. It was a very good choice for transnational corporations, for prosperous members of western societies, and for many developing countries which have seen their growth accelerated by free trade and the exchange of technology. Globalisation turned out to be – or has certainly come to be seen as being – a very bad choice for less affluent sections of western societies. Many folk felt dislocated and disadvantaged. Lecturing them that globalisation is just “a fact of life” – so suck it up – was surely one of the incitements for those people who voted for Trump, who chose Brexit and who support the rightwing populists surging across Europe.

“It isn’t just favouring the rich,” she insists. “Most of us are beneficiaries of globalisation, but a lot of people were not prepared for it in terms of their skill-set and we didn’t consider that enough.”

She also concedes that globalisation is “faceless” and “everybody wants to have an identity”.

“But it’s one thing to be patriotic, it’s another if my identity hates your identity and then it’s nationalism and hyper-nationalism. That’s the very dangerous part.”

Albright is a sage woman, but also one taken by mortified surprise by the turn the world has taken. In common with most liberal internationalists, she hadn’t expected the arc of history to bend in this dark direction. When the Berlin Wall came down in 1989, liberal capitalist democracy was thought to be irreversibly triumphant. Francis Fukuyama even wrote a book entitled The End of History.

History had other ideas. I suggest that it is not good enough for liberal internationalists to simply bewail Trump and his fellow travellers. They need to examine what they got wrong. Maybe there were too many complacent assumptions that the world had become permanently safe for democracy.

“I don’t know whether complacent [is the right word],” she says. “We were all initially enthusiastic, but then we became euphoric.” One conclusion she draws is that “democracy is obviously harder than we think.

“Democracy is not the easiest form of government. It does require attention and participation and carrying out the social contract. And it doesn’t deliver immediately. What we have to learn is how to get democracy to deliver because people want to vote and eat. But it just took me 10 minutes to explain it and that’s the problem.

“The things that are happening are genuinely, seriously bad. Some of them are really bad. They’re not to do with Trump; it is the evolution of a number of different trends. All the various problems that we have, they can’t be solved by simple slogans. But it’s easier to listen to some simple slogan.”

Albright is far from alone in worrying about the future of liberal democracy. This anxiety is felt more acutely by a woman who was born in the time of Mussolini, Hitler and Stalin, who reached the peaks of international diplomacy when freedom seemed ascendant and has since observed the unravelling of so much hope. At the end of our conversation, I am left unsure whether she thinks democracy has the resilience to survive this testing time.

“You ask if I’m an optimist or a pessimist,” she responds. “I am an optimist who worries a lot.”

That is probably as sensible a position as any in today’s troubled and troubling world.

Fascism: A Warning is published by William Collins (£16.99). To buy it for £14.44 go to guardianbookshop.com or call 0330 333 6846. Free UK p&p over £10, online orders only. Phone orders min p&p of £1.99

Read more: www.theguardian.com

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